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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Currently, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces dominate around 50% of the Sudanese territory.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a major victory by overrunning the city of al-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his adversaries, Hemedti is admired by his loyalists for his determination and his pledge to dismantle the corrupt state.

Modest Origins

His background is humble. He hails from the Mahariya section of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arab group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.

His birth year is approximately 1975, as is common in remote regions, his date and place of birth were not officially registered.

Led by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan relocated to Darfur in the late 20th century, fleeing conflict and in search of greener pastures.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his early teens, Hemedti started making money by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to neighboring countries.

At that time, Darfur was a lawless frontier—impoverished, ignored by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjaweed attacked villages of the native Fur communities, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to spearhead his anti-rebel campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's unit was among them, implicated in attacking the village of Adwah in November 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, among them dozens of minors.

International inquiries determined that the Janjaweed were guilty of genocide.

Calculated Moves

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his ascent to become leader of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

He briefly mutinied, requesting unpaid salaries for his fighters, advancements, and a government role for his sibling. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Later, when other Janjaweed units rebelled, Hemedti led government forces that defeated them, taking over Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his family company al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Institutionalizing Influence

In 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained official recognition as head of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, reporting directly to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.

International Connections

The RSF fought in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba region, and took on a contract to guard the border with Libya.

Supposedly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in corruption and human smuggling.

By 2015, Gulf nations asked Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved highly significant, marking the start of a strong alliance with UAE officials.

Growing Power

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti formed an alliance with the Russian Wagner organization, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, including in gold.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

As protests grew, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, nicknaming him himayti.

It was a miscalculation. In April 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the military leaders deposed him.

Initially, Hemedti was hailed as a fresh face for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but this was short-lived.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, raped women, and allegedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Under foreign pressure, the military and civil leaders agreed to a compromise, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Ongoing War

When a committee began examining military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti ousted the government and seized power.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize strategic locations in Khartoum. The attempted putsch failed, and fighting erupted across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit community.

The UN estimates thousands of casualties, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Current Status

The RSF has acquired modern weapons, including sophisticated drones, used to strike Burhan's stronghold and critical for the capture of al-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has created a parallel government, the so-called unity government, appointing himself leader.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now controls the majority of populated areas west of the Nile.

After allegations of atrocities, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations perpetrated by his fighters.

Many believe Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or aspires to rule all of Sudan.

Alternatively, he may become a behind-the-scenes power broker, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

While Hemedti's forces commit violence in el-Fasher, he seems assured of avoiding consequences in a world that does not care.